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<title>RECERCAT - GRITIM Working Paper Series</title>
<link>http://www.recercat.cat:80/handle/2072/41893</link>
<description/>
<pubDate>Sat, 25 May 2013 18:06:14 GMT</pubDate>
<dc:date>2013-05-25T18:06:14Z</dc:date>
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<title>The Channel Image</title>
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<link>http://www.recercat.cat:80/handle/2072/41893</link>
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<item>
<title>Predictors of political orientation among US-born Mexican Americans: cultural identification, acculturation attitudes and socioeconomic status</title>
<link>http://www.recercat.cat:80/handle/2072/210871</link>
<description>Predictors of political orientation among US-born Mexican Americans: cultural identification, acculturation attitudes and socioeconomic status
Naumann, Laura P.; Benet-Martínez, Verònica; Espinoza, Penelope
With each passing election, U.S. political campaigns have renewed their efforts in courting the “Latino vote,” yet the Latino population is not a culturally homogenous voting bloc. This study examined how cultural identifications and acculturation attitudes in U.S. born Mexican Americans interacted with socioeconomic status (SES) to predict political orientation. Individuals who held stronger Mexican identity and supported biculturalism as an acculturation strategy had a more liberal orientation, while belonging to a higher SES group and holding stronger assimilation attitudes predicted a less liberal orientation. Mexican cultural identification interacted with SES such that those who held a weaker Mexican identity, but came from a higher social class were less liberal and more moderate in their political orientation. Weak Mexican identification and higher SES also predicted weaker endorsement of bicultural acculturation attitudes, which in turn, mediated the differences in political orientation. The acceptance of one’s ethnic identity and endorsement of bicultural attitudes predicted a more liberal political orientation. In light of these findings, political candidates should be cautious in how they pander to Latino constituents—referencing the groups’ ethnic culture or customs may distance constituents who are not strongly identified with their ethnic culture.
</description>
<pubDate>Tue, 07 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
<guid isPermaLink="false">http://www.recercat.cat:80/handle/2072/210871</guid>
<dc:date>2013-05-07T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
</item>
<item>
<title>Reconciling context and contact with immigrants effects: an examination of the Catalan case</title>
<link>http://www.recercat.cat:80/handle/2072/205560</link>
<description>Reconciling context and contact with immigrants effects: an examination of the Catalan case
Rodón, Toni
Contact theory and threat group theory offer contradictory hypotheses regarding the effect of contact with immigrants. Despite recent efforts to test the validity of both approaches, we still lack a definitive conclusion. This article integrates both approaches and tests the effect of contact towards immigrants and how this changes when different contexts are considered. Mainly, we investigate the effect of the economic environment and the immigrant group size on modifying attitudes toward immigration. The hypotheses, which are tested in Catalonia, show that contact with immigrants reduce negative attitudes towards immigration, especially friendship and family contact. However, mixed results are reported regarding the effect of economic environment and immigrant group size. Whereas the former modifies positively the effect of workplace contact, the latter has no effect. Findings have implications for the impact of context when dealing with the impact of contact on attitudes towards immigration.
</description>
<pubDate>Tue, 01 Jan 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
<guid isPermaLink="false">http://www.recercat.cat:80/handle/2072/205560</guid>
<dc:date>2013-01-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
</item>
<item>
<title>Is there really a backlash against multiculturalism policies? New evidence from the multiculturalism policy index</title>
<link>http://www.recercat.cat:80/handle/2072/201101</link>
<description>Is there really a backlash against multiculturalism policies? New evidence from the multiculturalism policy index
Banting, Keith G.; Kymlicka, Will
In much of the western world, and particularly in Europe, there is a widespread perception that multiculturalism has ‘failed’ and that governments who once embraced a multicultural approach to diversity are turning away, adopting a strong emphasis on civic integration. This reaction, we are told, “reflects a seismic shift not just in the Netherlands, but in other European countries as well” (JOPPKE 2007). This paper challenges this view. Drawing on an updated version of the Multiculturalism Policy Index introduced earlier (BANTING and KYMLICKA 2006), the paper presents an index of the strength of multicultural policies for European countries and several traditional countries of immigration at three points in time (1980, 2000 and 2010). The results paint a different picture of contemporary experience in Europe. While a small number of countries, including most notably the Netherlands, have weakened established multicultural policies during the 2000s, such a shift is the exception. Most countries that adopted multicultural approaches in the later part of the twentieth century have maintained their programs in the first decade of the new century; and a significant number of countries have added new ones. In much of Europe, multicultural policies are not in general retreat. As a result, the turn to civic integration is often being layered on top of existing multicultural programs, leading to a blended approach to diversity. The paper reflects on the compatibility of multiculturalism policies and civic integration, arguing that more liberal forms of civic integration can be combined with multiculturalism but that more illiberal or coercive forms are incompatible with a multicultural approach.
</description>
<pubDate>Sat, 01 Sep 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
<guid isPermaLink="false">http://www.recercat.cat:80/handle/2072/201101</guid>
<dc:date>2012-09-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
</item>
<item>
<title>Immigration and contested nation-building : explaining the political salience of immigration in multi-national societies</title>
<link>http://www.recercat.cat:80/handle/2072/201100</link>
<description>Immigration and contested nation-building : explaining the political salience of immigration in multi-national societies
Barker, Fiona
Multi-national societies present a complex setting for the politics of immigration, as migration’s linguistic, economic and cultural effects may coincide with existing contestation over nationhood between sub-units and the central state. Empirically, though, political actors only sometimes, and in some places, explicitly connect the politics of immigration to the stakes of multi-level politics. With reference to Canada, Belgium and the United Kingdom, this paper examines the conditions under which political leaders link immigration to ongoing debate about governance in multi-national societies. The paper argues that the distribution of policy competencies in the multi-level system is less important for shaping immigration and integration politics than is the perceived impact (positive or negative) on the sub-unit’s societal culture or its power relationship with the center. Immigration and integration are more often politicized where center and sub-unit hold divergent views on migration and its place in national identity.
</description>
<pubDate>Sat, 01 Sep 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
<guid isPermaLink="false">http://www.recercat.cat:80/handle/2072/201100</guid>
<dc:date>2012-09-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
</item>
<item>
<title>Membership and internal democracy. Immigrant organisations in the city of Oslo</title>
<link>http://www.recercat.cat:80/handle/2072/196584</link>
<description>Membership and internal democracy. Immigrant organisations in the city of Oslo
Takle, Marianne
Immigrant organisations in the City of Oslo receive support from the government for their daily operation. In order to receive such support, each organisation must be membership-based and have internal democratic procedures. This paper raises the question of how we can understand this combination of support for ethnic based organisations and requirements of membership and internal democracy. It explores the usefulness of two partly overlapping ways of understanding this policy and discusses their interrelationship. Firstly, within the context of the crisis of multiculturalism, the paper discusses whether this combination is based on the aim of strengthening the organisations’ procedural commitment to liberal-democratic principles. Secondly, the paper analyses whether requirements of membership and internal democracy can mainly be understood within the framework of the Nordic model of voluntary organisation. By comparing the policy at three empirical levels, the paper concludes that this combination can mainly be understood within the framework of the traditional historical Nordic model, but that there is an ambiguity in this policy related to minority rights.
</description>
<pubDate>Fri, 01 Jun 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
<guid isPermaLink="false">http://www.recercat.cat:80/handle/2072/196584</guid>
<dc:date>2012-06-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
</item>
<item>
<title>Overcoming the ethical dilemmas of skilled migration? An analysis of international narratives on the “brain drain”</title>
<link>http://www.recercat.cat:80/handle/2072/182631</link>
<description>Overcoming the ethical dilemmas of skilled migration? An analysis of international narratives on the “brain drain”
Levatino, Antonina
Migration-related issues have, since approximately 2000, been the object of increased attention at the international level. This has led, among other things, to the production of international narratives, which aim both at understanding migration and at proposing policy recommendations on how to address it, with the objective of improving the governance of migration at the global level. But this implies overcoming dilemmas stemming from the diverging interests of states and other actors (like NGOs and the private sector). This article examines the way in which international migration narratives address skilled migration, which is characterised by some of the clearest political trade-offs between stakeholders. It argues that these narratives attempt to speak to all parties and conciliate contradictory arguments about what should be done, in order to discursively overcome policy dilemmas and create a consensus. While this is line with the mandate of international organizations, it depoliticises migration issues.
</description>
<pubDate>Thu, 01 Mar 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
<guid isPermaLink="false">http://www.recercat.cat:80/handle/2072/182631</guid>
<dc:date>2012-03-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
</item>
<item>
<title>Immigration controls and the erosion of popular sovereignty</title>
<link>http://www.recercat.cat:80/handle/2072/179308</link>
<description>Immigration controls and the erosion of popular sovereignty
Gilligan, Chris
The idea that immigration controls in Western developed states are a response to popular pressure is axiomatic in the academic literature on migration. In the academic literature and in policy circles it is also commonplace to hear that migration is eroding the sovereignty of states. This article challenges both of these ideas. We argue that both of these ideas overlook or ignore the erosion of popular sovereignty from within states. We argue that engaging with, rather than evading, public debate on migration can potentially help to reinvigorate popular sovereignty.
</description>
<pubDate>Sun, 01 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
<guid isPermaLink="false">http://www.recercat.cat:80/handle/2072/179308</guid>
<dc:date>2012-01-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
</item>
<item>
<title>The Point system of selection of immigrants in Quebec</title>
<link>http://www.recercat.cat:80/handle/2072/172644</link>
<description>The Point system of selection of immigrants in Quebec
Franco Guillén, Núria
The present paper is aimed at identifying what are the effects of the Point System of Selection of immigrants in Quebec. I defend that the distribution of points results in a different composition of immigrant stocks in terms of origin mix and not in terms of labour skills. To do so, I carry out a longitudinal descriptive analysis on the national composition of immigrants in Quebec and two other significant provinces (Ontario and British Columbia), as well as an analysis of the distribution of points in Quebec and in the rest of Canada.
</description>
<pubDate>Tue, 01 Nov 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
<guid isPermaLink="false">http://www.recercat.cat:80/handle/2072/172644</guid>
<dc:date>2011-11-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
</item>
<item>
<title>The European Union and refugees: towards more restrictive asylum policies in the European Union?</title>
<link>http://www.recercat.cat:80/handle/2072/168472</link>
<description>The European Union and refugees: towards more restrictive asylum policies in the European Union?
Kaunert, Christian; Léonard, Sarah
Several scholars have argued that European countries have decided to cooperate on asylum and migration matters at the EU level in order to develop more restrictive policies. In particular, it has been argued that European states have ‘venue-shopped’ to a new policy-venue in order to escape national constraints. This paper puts this argument to the test by assessing the extent to which the development of EU cooperation on asylum matters has indeed led to the adoption of more restrictive asylum standards. The paper argues that, actually, EU asylum cooperation has led to an overall increase in protection standards for asylum-seekers and refugees. This outcome is explained by two main factors: the increasing ‘judicialisation’ of asylum in the EU and institutional changes in the EU asylum policy area that have strengthened the role of more ‘refugee-friendly’ institutions.
</description>
<pubDate>Mon, 01 Aug 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
<guid isPermaLink="false">http://www.recercat.cat:80/handle/2072/168472</guid>
<dc:date>2011-08-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
</item>
<item>
<title>Teaching ethnic diversity in journalism school</title>
<link>http://www.recercat.cat:80/handle/2072/151686</link>
<description>Teaching ethnic diversity in journalism school
Dijk, Teun Adrianus van, 1943-
It has been found that the symbolic elites have a prominent role in the discursive reproduction of racism in society, because they control the public discourse through which many ethnic prejudices are spread and shared. This special position of the mass media requires that the professional education of journalists, also featuring such topics as ethnic studies, diversity and racism, is optimally adapted to the multicultural societies in Europe, North America and Australia. This paper reports about an extensive research project examining ethnic education of journalists in these white-dominated countries, by examining the websites of many journalism and communication departments. Consistent with the general finding that white symbolic elites primarily deny or ignore (their) racism in society, none of the academic programs, anywhere in the world, mentions special classes on racism in the mass media. Finally, a practical proposal is made for a course on ethnic reporting in multicultural societies.
</description>
<pubDate>Sun, 01 May 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
<guid isPermaLink="false">http://www.recercat.cat:80/handle/2072/151686</guid>
<dc:date>2011-05-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
</item>
<item>
<title>Toleration and the fair terms of engagement with diversity</title>
<link>http://www.recercat.cat:80/handle/2072/115697</link>
<description>Toleration and the fair terms of engagement with diversity
Sardoc, Mitja
The aim of this paper is to examine the various controversies over the genuine&#13;
problems of toleration in a plurally diverse polity as both historically and&#13;
conceptually, toleration is one of the foundational characteristics that defines the&#13;
very essence of a plurally diverse polity and the basic virtue associated with a liberal&#13;
conception of citizenship. In section 1, I present the main philosophical and&#13;
conceptual issues related to the toleration-based approach to diversity in liberal&#13;
political theory. In section 2 I identify the conditions and the circumstances of&#13;
toleration. I articulate in Section 3 the most pressing objections against toleration. I&#13;
present in section 4 two competing approaches to the toleration-based approach to&#13;
diversity is faced with. In the concluding section, I outline a modified conception of&#13;
toleration that mediates between different requirements associated with the two&#13;
principled commitments of the liberal version of the rights-based conception of&#13;
citizenship.
</description>
<pubDate>Tue, 01 Mar 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
<guid isPermaLink="false">http://www.recercat.cat:80/handle/2072/115697</guid>
<dc:date>2011-03-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
</item>
<item>
<title>Gendered networks and Mexican migration</title>
<link>http://www.recercat.cat:80/handle/2072/97189</link>
<description>Gendered networks and Mexican migration
Creighton, Mathew; Riosmena, Fernando
In this paper, we investigate how the gendered origin of migrant networks (i.e. matrilineal vs. patrilineal) is associated with aspirations to migrate and subsequent migration behavior. Using longitudinal data from the Mexican Family Life Survey (MxFLS), we follow 3,923 married couples across 139 municipalities over the 2002-2005 period. We find that the networks of both the individual and her/his spouse are associated with aspiring to migrate to the United States. However, one’s own network matters most (i.e. matrilineal networks for women and patrilineal networks for men). On the other hand, in terms of behavior, only matrilineal networks predict a subsequent move to the U.S. for men and women/couples, who are assessed jointly. These findings suggest that our understanding of the role of migrant networks in perpetuating male-centered, labor migration does not necessarily translate once a union has formed. We make the case that future work would do well to account for not only the presence and composition of networks, but also their origin, which in certain circumstances may be the most relevant factor.
</description>
<pubDate>Fri, 01 Oct 2010 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
<guid isPermaLink="false">http://www.recercat.cat:80/handle/2072/97189</guid>
<dc:date>2010-10-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
</item>
<item>
<title>The externalisation of the asylum function in the European Union</title>
<link>http://www.recercat.cat:80/handle/2072/63986</link>
<description>The externalisation of the asylum function in the European Union
Morgades Gil, Sílvia
This paper aims to identify and assess the main items in the strategy followed by the EU and its member states on the externalisation of their asylum function. First, it analyses the European harmonisation of the return to safe third countries and to countries of first asylum, which is carried out by means of readmission agreements. Second, it refers to the strategies defined by the Hague and the Stockholm programs concerning the External Aspects of the European Union Asylum Policy, on the detention centres for illegal immigrants abroad, and on the proposals for delocalisation of asylum applications processing centres beyond the EU borders. Finally, this paper considers whether the strategy of externalisation of the function of asylum sometimes lacks legitimacy, and to what extent there is a fair balance between the interests of the states and the protection of the human rights of refugees and asylum seekers.
</description>
<pubDate>Tue, 01 Jun 2010 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
<guid isPermaLink="false">http://www.recercat.cat:80/handle/2072/63986</guid>
<dc:date>2010-06-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
</item>
<item>
<title>"¡Mezquita No!: the origins of mosque opposition in Spain</title>
<link>http://www.recercat.cat:80/handle/2072/46734</link>
<description>"¡Mezquita No!: the origins of mosque opposition in Spain
Astor, Avi
This paper examines why mosque opposition has been more frequent in Catalonia than in other Spanish regions. A comparison is conducted between the metropolitan areas of Barcelona, where opposition has been most prevalent, and Madrid, where it has been strikingly absent. A relational approach is employed to highlight the factors in Barcelona that have complicated the reception of mosques and the populations they serve. These factors include pronounced socio-spatial divisions and a lack of confidence in the state's commitment to managing the challenges that accompany immigration. The prevalence of these factors in Barcelona has resulted in the integration of mosque debates into more general struggles over urban privilege and state recognition, explaining the high degree of opposition. These findings highlight the importance of studying conflicts related to religious and cultural diversification in context, as such conflicts are inextricably linked to the lived spaces and local structures in which they develop.
</description>
<pubDate>Mon, 01 Mar 2010 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
<guid isPermaLink="false">http://www.recercat.cat:80/handle/2072/46734</guid>
<dc:date>2010-03-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
</item>
<item>
<title>Introducing diversity in public organisations : diminishing theoretical ambiguity and controversy by empirical research</title>
<link>http://www.recercat.cat:80/handle/2072/43325</link>
<description>Introducing diversity in public organisations : diminishing theoretical ambiguity and controversy by empirical research
Van Ewijk, Anne R.
Many theoretical dissertations have an unclear definition of diversity and when interpreting strategies of organizational diversity policies, theories often contradict each other. It is argued that this ambiguity and controversy can be diminished by basing theory on diversity and diversity policy more on qualitative structured descriptive empirical comparisons.&#13;
&#13;
This argument is elaborated in two steps. First, diversity is shown to be a social construction: dynamic and plural in nature, dependent on the social-historical context. Second, the common theoretical dichotomy between diversity policy as equal opportunities or as diversity management in shown to be possibly misleading; empirical studies indicate more practical differentiation in types of diversity policy, manifested in public and private organizations. &#13;
&#13;
As qualitative comparisons are rare, especially in the European context and especially among public organizations, this article calls for more contributions of this kind and provides an analytical framework to assist scholars in the field of diversity studies.
</description>
<pubDate>Fri, 01 Jan 2010 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
<guid isPermaLink="false">http://www.recercat.cat:80/handle/2072/43325</guid>
<dc:date>2010-01-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
</item>
<item>
<title>Temporary and circular labour migration : reassessing established public policies</title>
<link>http://www.recercat.cat:80/handle/2072/41897</link>
<description>Temporary and circular labour migration : reassessing established public policies
Zapata-Barrero, Ricard; Faúndez García, Rocío; Sánchez Montijano, Elena
Today, Temporary Labour Migration is a fundamental course of action promoted by relevant economic and political agents, such as EC, the GCIM, or the OECD. Based on a specific empirical case study of Temporary and Circular Labour Migration in the Catalonian agrarian sector, which has been distinguished as a particularly successful formula, we identify a new area of interest: the emergence of a new empirical migrant category, the Circular Labour Migrant, which remains theoretically unnamed and lacks public recognition. We argue that, until now, there have been two historical phases regarding temporary labour migration: one of total deregulation and another of partial regulation, led by private actors with support from public institutions, and featuring circularity. IN a developed Welfare State context, it would be normatively pertinent to except a step towards a third phase, one involving the institutionalization of this new mobility category through the elaboration of a public policy.
</description>
<pubDate>Thu, 01 Oct 2009 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
<guid isPermaLink="false">http://www.recercat.cat:80/handle/2072/41897</guid>
<dc:date>2009-10-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
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